246 Sample Final Paper
Section Exemplars
Section Exemplars
1 & 2 Authored by Three Distinct Authors
Terri Cronin
I am addressing the first part of question one, which is the role R.E.S.T. history plays in current communication practices of the organization.
Our group chose to study communication in a women's homeless shelter called R.E.S.T. the acronym represents, Residents for Effective Shelter Transitions. The shelter is in the basement of the Uptown Baptist Church at 1011 West Wilson Avenue in Chicago. The building is a large, two-story, stone structure located on a corner in the Uptown neighborhood. On the weekends, religious services are held for the congregation in the church proper, while the basement is used for Bible study groups. The surrounding community and the church congregation are aware of the building's nightly use by R.E.S.T. shelter guests. Nineteen Years of Caring, the R.E.S.T. organization publication, states: "In 1981, R.E.S.T. became a registered non-profit organization with Uptown Baptist Church and People's Church agreeing to be the shelter locations from November to April" (1999). The Uptown Baptist Church expanded their support to offer shelter space 365 days a year in 1984. The basement is used at night to house forty-five women. It has one large room with full-kitchen facilities and pantry.
Clients are sheltered from 8 p.m. to 7 a.m. the following morning. They are provided a hot meal, shower, and a secure place to sleep and when available, clothing that has been donated and acquired by the volunteer staff. Church groups and neighbors in the Uptown area are encouraged by the organization to drop-off used clothing and shower items for residents to keep. Bags of items are accepted any time of day when they are dropped off at the church steps or in the church vestibule. Donated items are put out on tables in a small room near the kitchen so the shelter women can choose what they want without feeling watched or degraded. The women are allowed entry to everything on a first-come first-served basis. This has been the way R.E.S.T. shelter supervisors have maintained order within the facility.
The door is unlocked by the security guard at 8:30 p.m. for the intake portion of the women's stay. If women are still standing outside when the shelter capacity is reached, the security guard or shelter supervisor will call other facilities to see if room is available and women outside can be referred there. All those who seek shelter will not be completely turned away, and historically, have been attended to by R.E.S.T.'s commitment to the homeless. Their guests know they will be assisted; hence, they stand in line until the security guard gives them information about other shelters.
The need for a shelter in the Uptown area arose in 1979 when a homeless man was found frozen to death on the street. R.E.S.T. brochure publication states, "A group of neighborhood residents responded to this tragedy with a commitment to provide overnight emergency shelter during winter months" (1999). The neighbors volunteered their time and talents to form the Residents for Emergency Shelter" (R.E.S.T.). They offered homeless people in the Uptown and Edgewater communities a warm haven, respectable treatment, and support in choosing an independent lifestyle for their future. In 1984, R.E.S.T. organization began providing counseling for homeless men and women who wanted to transition to an independent lifestyle. R.E.S.T. supported their efforts toward a new beginning by providing referrals, case management, and outreach services for the homeless. Through discussions with the shelter supervisors, residents can make appointments with case managers who have degrees in social work. The case manager will meet with and counsel the client and offer advocacy with any problems of obtaining public benefits or medical care. The case manager may offer referrals, at this time, for the client to take part in recovery groups, art therapy, recreation, peer support groups, and anything that would help the client advance down the road to self-sufficiency. Ten years later, R.E.S.T. expanded shelter services to twelve months a year.
In 1997, R.E.S.T. officially changed its name to the present: Residents for Effective Shelter Transitions. Today, their desire is to place an emphasis on obtaining housing and providing life skills programs for the homeless so they can begin in a new life with dignity. Intermediate housing is offered to help disabled clients make a transition from the shelter to permanent housing. This is the last step for the client before living a self-sufficient lifestyle. Clients in this stage must also be involved in R.E.S.T.'s case management services, housing support group, and rent savings plan. By this step in building a new life, the
client has a part or full-time job for which he/she receives wages. The client has been asked to contribute a set percentage of his/her wages for the rental of low-cost single occupancy hotel rooms. Throughout its history, R.E.S.T. has been an effective advocate for the homeless and was instrumental in creating the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless and the Lakefront SRO Corporation, a non profit agency providing low-cost housing in Uptown.
Today, R.E.S.T. employs 36 full and part-time staff members who work with over 300 volunteers to serve those in need. They help provide social services to over 600 clients and help 150 clients through their housing program. Publications and R.E.S.T.'s official newsletter, The REST of the Story, portray clients in a dignified and respectful manner. The newsletter communicates success stories of clients struggling through disabilities such as chemical dependence, alcohol and drug addiction, as well as mental illness and physical disabilities. These are examples of victories and positive reinforcement. On page five of the attached newsletter, there is one such success story about a R.E.S.T. intermediate Housing Client, Arnold Hutson. The article gives hope and advice from a client who is working his way down the path to independence, and as he states, " . . . pressing toward home . . ." (1998). The newsletter, as well as the staff members and volunteers it reports of, speak of an on-going effort by R.E.S.T. to recognize each person's worth, dignity, and uniqueness. This message was conveyed in a conversation at the women's shelter between the Supervisor and a client who was having an argument with another client about using correct grammar.
The first woman was telling the second woman not to say "ain't" when she explains something because, as she put it, "it sounds like you're not schooled." The second woman was angered by the comment. She tensed her body and glared at the first woman as she clenched her fists. When she stood up, she sent the chair she was sitting on skidding backwards with a loud noise. She might have had feelings of low self-esteem, or felt insulted by the other woman correcting her grammar. She might also have interpreted the other woman's tone of voice as being superior to her. She might have experienced a similar situation with someone else and is remembering the past incident. She took a very defensive stance against the second woman because she backed away from her and the table. The shelter residents became quiet. The Supervisor then cam over and stood within an observable distance, without becoming an immediate mediator. She witnessed this communication epoch with respect for the differences of the two clients involved. The second woman told the first to "shut up" and threw a wad of paper at her. The first woman looked at the Supervisor and told her repeatedly that the first woman was being violent. The Supervisor raised both hands in a stop-like motion and urged both women to, "calm down." This gesture had a claming effect on the two women as neither of them moved. The first woman again repeated two to three times to all in the room: "you can't be violent in here," but never made an advance toward anyone. The second woman approached the Supervisor to share her interpretation of the situation. The Supervisor told each woman to walk away from the table and assigned one woman to the shower and the other to continue to play cards with another table of women. The two women calmed down but continued to defend themselves by mumbling something inaudible under their breaths. The Supervisor's calming approach to the situation created a dignified solution to an immediate and potentially volatile confrontation. Each woman was also allowed time to think about and "cool down" from the controversy. This episode exemplifies how the R.E.S.T. staff practices their institution's historical belief in their clients' rights and demonstrates their respect for their clients' dignity as people.
The subjective motives of the R.E.S.T. institution and Uptown community have changed little throughout its twenty-year history. The initial philosophy of R.E.S.T. was to help fulfill the basic needs of the homeless in their community. It still is alive and evident in their practices and performances. Through the shelters case management program, the homeless of the Uptown and Edgewater communities are given a chance to know and understand a different life. Moreover, clients are allowed the chance to accept or reject the organization’s mission vision. This vision also manifests itself in the rules the institution sets forth for the clients and shelter associates. The shelter is a safe haven for women of all races, religions, and ages because of the policy it maintains of dignity and safety for all. The clients know they can count on R.E.S.T. for basic needs of food, clothing, and shelter as well as supportive, extended services such as case management and advocacy. All case managers at R.E.S.T. shelters are certified social workers who can help clients with legal and social problems both in and out of the court system. R.E.S.T.'s commitment to their clients is reflected in the way the troubled women who come to the shelter for support and sustenance have found help and guidance among the employees and volunteers in the organization.
The women at the Uptown shelter waited to talk to the supervisor, Vicki Bell, to tell her their private thoughts and feelings. I was not allowed to be a part of those conversations but I could tell by the gestures and facial expressions of each woman, the client was being listened to and supported. The clients have responded in their own way by knowing the rules and feeling a comfort in the shelter they probably would not find elsewhere. Although each client acted differently, all of them knew the rules of the shelter and did what was asked of them. The security guard, Thomasina Taylor, asked for volunteers to do chores for the morning and women raised their hands to sign up for them. One of the rules is to ask for volunteers for chore duty. If there are no volunteers, women will be chosen for cleanup or put-away work. These women are at the shelter on a regular basis and feel comfortable in this environment. Knowing and having a connected feeling with staff and the shelter rules helps them find a structure they might be lacking in their own lives.
REST. (1999). Nineteen Years of Caring. Chicago, IL.
REST. (1999). Residents for Effective Shelter Transitions. Chicago, IL.
REST. (1998, winter). Quarterly Newsletter, Volume 11. Chicago, IL.
Abbie Boudreau
Section 2
The R.E.S.T. shelter is a night shelter for homeless women that provides food, clothing, and a safe place to stay for the night. In the winter months especially, a woman can wait up to an hour before moving to the front of the line where she is then checked for weapons and drugs by a security guard. If the woman makes it past the guard and through the basement doors of the church, she has to "check in" for the night. Theresa, the R.E.S.T. supervisor, is in charge of this process. She records names, checks charts to see if they were there the night before, assigns them a number, and checks for TB shots. This is also when women sign up for showers and to help with chores.
Each woman who checks in receives a number. It is given in accordance with the mattress they sleep on, the white Styrofoam cups they drink coffee from, and the plastic garbage bags they keep their blankets in. If a woman comes regularly (every night), then she keeps her designated number. If she misses even one night, however, she loses her number to another woman. This assigned number gives each woman an allotted space, which is only large enough for a mattress and a couple of her belongings. Forty-five of these mattresses are lined up next to each other, and are put in the same place each night to encourage the woman to feel like that space, although small, is her home.
After completing the preceding process, the women set up their beds. They are given navy blue and gray wool blankets as well as sheets to cover the three-inch plastic mattress. By this time, it is already 9 p.m. The women have a choice as to whether they want to take a shower, isolate themselves on their lone mattress and either read a book, rest, or listen to their Walkman. They may also grab their numbered cup, fill it with black coffee, and sit at the "L" shaped tables. Some talk about the weather, others sit quietly, and watch the semi-broken television set. Their television set was a donation, and sits on a cart near the kitchen. Each night the women can expect to watch the 10 o'clock news. They are not allowed to change the channel or watch other programs to prevent arguments among the women over what shows they prefer to watch. One thing, however, that each of these women has in common, is what they await: Dinner.
While the women are preparing for their night, maybe by putting on their pajamas, or praying, the volunteers are working in the kitchen. The meals vary each night. Anything from hotdogs and chips to spaghetti and broccoli is served, and sometimes the women are allowed seconds. At 10 p.m., Theresa announces that dinner is to be served. The women rush up to cutout window that resembles a concession stand, and select the already prepared plate, which looks the best to them. While they are eating, Theresa reads off a long list of the shelter's rules, and expects it to be quiet while she is talking. When she finishes, individuals resume their previous activities and finish their meals. A few of the women have kitchen duty and help the volunteers clean the dishes and wash tables. By the time the kitchen is cleaned, most of the women are in bed and preparing to go to sleep. At 11 p.m., the television is turned off, and volunteers must leave, and the lights are shut off.
These communication practices and processes are the daily routines that employees at the shelter undergo. The employees maintain a tight schedule to enhance control of a potentially, high-risk situation. Within these daily practices, there are several symbols and signs that are employed verbally and non-verbally.
The symbol of power and control lies in the hands of Theresa, the shelter's supervisor. She is the discipliner, the supporter, the caregiver, and the ultimate decision-maker in any situation that the shelter concurs. Theresa is approximately 35 years old, over six feet tall, has a loud, deep voice, and walks with a confident, almost intimidating stride. Since 60 per cent of the women who seek shelter at R.E.S.T. are between the ages of 22 and 40, Theresa is forced to discipline and control people her own age (R.E.S.T. Literature). She tells them when they can take a shower, when to eat, when to go to bed, and when to leave. Theresa is not afraid to evict a misbehaving woman from the shelter if that woman is not compliant with her clearly stated ground rules.
As mentioned before, the mattresses are purposefully located in designated areas and are not to be moved. In this specific incident, two women were having a disagreement about not having enough space to put their belongings. A third woman, a young, visibly pregnant, newcomer at the shelter, intervened and tried to solve the problem by telling one of the women to move her mattress away from the "Wicked Witch of the West" to the other side of the room. When Theresa noticed what was happening, she questioned it, and all fingers immediately pointed to the young, pregnant woman. Theresa sarcastically asked the woman who put her in charge of the furniture arrangement. Although the woman tried to explain what happened, Theresa continued to use her as an example to the rest of the women of how not to act. She threatened the woman with having to leave and said that she needs to understand who is in charge and how to respect the shelter's rules.
The number system that the shelter employs clearly signifies how a human being can be transformed into an object. A number represents the woman's identity at the shelter. Her designated number becomes her home address. Similar to a street address, this number assignment provides security and reassurance of a safe place to sleep for the night. The women take the number system very seriously, especially the regulars.
In the case with the woman who was a mute and a regular at the shelter, and another woman who was a newcomer, a problem concerning the number system arose. The must had been going to the shelter for a number of weeks without missing a night. One night, she came in after having skipped the night before, and was given a number. She did not adequately understand the number system and assumed that she had the same mattress, although she had missed a night. When she went to her usual spot, she saw another woman's belongings. She approached the woman. With her hands and short utterances, she tried to communicate the she wanted the "intruder" out of her spot. The newcomer did not understand what was happening, so a volunteer figured out the problem as well as a solution. The two women switched spots so that the woman could have her normal spot back. The volunteer explained to me that some women identify their mattress and spot as a feeling of comfort and security. Therefore, when the two women traded spots, the muted woman recaptured her sense of identity. Theresa later tried to explain the rules in a more comprehensible and simplistic way for the woman.
The basement walls of the church are colorfully painted portraits of children dancing and smiling. Rainbows, holding hands, and cartwheels in the green grass are painted on the walls with colors so bright that one's eyes are instantly attracted. These bright colors and images symbolize the primary years of life. A time when individuals are supposed to feel safe, happy, adventurous, and view life as a simple treasure. Colors are bright and children as cast as "innocent." To some of the women, these walls symbolize a life they knew at one point in time and would do anything to return. To others, they symbolize a life they never knew. And, to others, these walls are a representation of their level of thought process. That is, there is a large portion of the women that comprise R.E.S.T. who are mentally disabled. According to R.E.S.T. literature, there is an estimated level of mental illness of over 30 per cent. These women are mentally incapable of functioning in society as mature adults.
In the corner of the basement sits an old, brown, wooden piano with its lid closed. The piano is never played, although there are no restrictions against it. The silent piano symbolizes the absence of song, rhythm, and pleasure. Music is an aspect of a person's life that can strengthen a faith, or be a medium by which to communicate inner feelings. There is an absence of rhythm and song in the shelter. Instead, it is filled with the monotone voices of the women. These voices drown each other out, and a low, dull tone is heard. This tone preys upon these women and takes away their vitality. Ursula, a regular at the shelter, was arrested recently. A pair of drumsticks, she had carried along with her for the past ten years, was confiscated by the police because they believed them to be weapons. Tears filled her eyes and she became angry at having to recall this story from her memory. Ursula claimed to have very few possessions she loved as much as her drumsticks. Her tool to express herself had turned into a weapon, and left her silent, like the piano. Luckily, Ursula now has an old, dull, silver harmonica with a red mouthpiece to help replace some of the loss she feels without her sticks. She sings these words:
When I'm down and on my knees
I get back up, dust them off
And start all over again.
Some women walk in the shelter with one bag and others come with so many bags around their wrists that their fingers are swollen and purple. These bags carry more than just clothes or food; they hold their life. Since these women are homeless, they have no other place to store their deodorant or extra underwear. Some even keep a teddy bear or a lucky charm packed. They walk around all day holding everything they own in their hands. These bags symbolize weights. They hold people down. Because the homeless are so protective over the few possessions they have, they do not let their bags out of their sight. These bags, as a result, hinder their ability to find jobs. For example, where is a homeless person supposed to leave their belongings while he/she works? What type of employer wants to hire a person who lives out of a bag and does not have a place of residency? The R.E.S.T. security guard commented on the fact that these bags are somewhat of a trap: "If you let go of your bag, you lose you 'life.' But, if you don't let go of the bags, you'll lose your life."
A symbol, according to Lindlof, " . . . offers a way inside the meanings inherent in roles and actions" (45). A sign, on the other hand, is not arbitrary. Signs have fixed meanings. The most obvious example of a sign at R.E.S.T. was the shelter itself. As mentioned in previous sections, the shelter is located in the basement of a church. A church is a symbol of communication. It signifies safety and security. The card that some women receive, after they meet with a social worker regularly for two weeks, is another sign. This card assures a mattress and is proof that the woman is making an attempt to rehabilitate her life. Finally, the time 8:45 p.m. is a sign to the homeless women who stay at R.E.S.T. to stand in line for check-in procedures. If the women come too early, they get "barred" from entering. If they arrive too late, they get turned away. Therefore, 8:45 p.m. represents a fixed, non-arbitrary sign for women who want shelter, a mattress, and food for the night.
These symbols and signs that are employed by the shelter and its employees are clear representations of the daily structure and routine of the communication practices and processes that our group observed. These key symbols and signs exemplify how the shelter is organized; what types of people seek refuge in their building; and the different type of communication techniques that are involved in operating a night shelter for homeless women. R.E.S.T. provided a fundamental base for understanding how an organization can be successful despite the substantially high-risk factors involved.
Lindlof, T. 1995. Qualitative communication research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
R.E.S.T. Literature. 1999. R.E.S.T. : Programs. Chicago, IL.
Laurie Maness
Section 2
According to Lindlof (1995), most individuals make sense of who they are and how they survive the daily grind by their knowledge of communicative practices (p. 16). A practice is a set course of action that has come to be accepted as the norm or santioned by a social collectively. Practices, states Lindlof (1995), imply a focus on the routine and recurring (p.18). This research team chose a woman's homeless shelter, R.E.S.T., as an example of an analysis of practices for our on-site studies.
R.E.S.T. is defined by its structure and its rules. The shelter relies on structure as its foundation; to operate without it would jeopardize all who participate in the program. These inherent dangers stem, in large part, from the fact the majority of the women who seek the organization's benefits and protection are often found to be mentally disabled and/or known substance abusers. This fact is made clear when considering that, according to R.E.S.T's 1997 Self-Reported Data Client Profile, the actual level of mental illnesses and physical disabilities is estimated at over 40 per cent. Therefore, the practice of a regimen and strict adherence to set guidelines is crucial to the continued well being of both patrons and volunteer staff members.
Policies and procedures are established long before the women line up at the basement entrance. R.E.S.T.'s goal is to provide a calming, comfortable atmosphere through the effective use of communicative practices. While these have been implemented to ensure and promote fairness, safety and awareness -- they also serve to minimize danger and diffuse potentially volatile situations before they develop. The most important aspect of R.E.S.T.'s communicative practices, however, is that they also serve to educate these women in developing their own communicative practices and patterns. Moreover, seeing and participating in the most fundamental of social norms and interactions on a daily basis allows these women to prepare for "mainstream" life and their own interpersonal encounters.
Adelman and Frey (1997) vividly illustrate how community is created and sustained in concrete communication practices (p.5). By understanding how collective communication practices help residents forge a sense of community out of the chaos of living with AIDS, it facilitates better understanding of the formation of community in other environments, such as R.E.S.T. The shelter's policies, rules, and procedures are a core necessity in managing the tensions of providing, or bringing some sort of " normalcy" to 45 troubled and disillusioned strangers on a daily basis. According to a R.E.S.T. newsletter (1997), the board of directors has formed the Community Relations Committee to increase R.E.S.T.'s visibility in the neighborhood and the Chicagoland area as part of their 1997-2001 Strategic Plan. The Committee's Executive Director, Kathleen Ahler, stated, "We want to work with the communities of Uptown and Edgewater together to find solutions to the problem of homelessness."
To better appreciate the inner workings of the shelter, a summary description of the recurring events that transpire each evening at R.E.S.T. follows. Women begin lining up restlessly in front of the church building at 8:30 p.m. The women are immediately greeted by the head of the organization, who continues applying the organization's practices at a "registration table." This check-in procedure consists of a series of steps, each with its own importance. Before dinner is served, many women gather around the tables and direct their attention to the Local News Network which can be viewed on an old, donated television set. As the regulars will verify, the News is the only available program of the evening.
In the early morning hours, the strict standard of communication practices is still being enforced. All remaining chores are expected to be done following the 6:30 a.m. serving of breakfast. Everyone is required to be out of the shelter by 7:00 a.m. and cannot return prior to 8:30 p.m., as belongings cannot be stored at the shelter for any length of time. Each woman is responsible for removing all of her possessions from the building immediately upon leaving.
Although it is often said, that communication practices will change with each passing day, (Lindlof, 1995) practices are "authored" within institutions and do not change easily over time (p.18). Due primarily to the intense structure of the organization, there was a lack of change during the present author's on-site visits. For example, Theresa, the head of the organization, and Thomasina, a volunteer security guard who has the daunting task of keeping the line under control as the women are guided inside the basement, are the two most important, powerful leaders of the group. They remain constant and present little variation in their roles or actions.
Another constant observed was the ever-changing cast of characters in this sometimes depressing nightly drama. Just as the women come and go, volunteers alike differ from night to night. For example, the first night the research team visited the shelter, they were accompanied by the Loyola Ministry Group, a kind and patient group of students. This past week, however, the research team was the only representative of Loyola. The change in volunteers has a definite impact on the shelter's atmosphere. For example, most of the women seemed to have more interaction with the younger volunteers. Further, many women shared their various experiences with homelessness. Each woman added her unique account of how she ended up at R.E.S.T., what her life was like before she was homeless, and the immediate goals she is working to achieve. The younger volunteers seemed more open and interested in establishing relationships with the women, whereas, the older volunteers were less conversational and more focused on their assigned tasks.
Although the regimen and practices varied little, the environment and the interaction between these individuals brought about slight variations in the program. For example, while the food is different every evening -- as it is generously donated by local restaurants -- it is served at a predetermined time each night to continue reinforcing the habits of "mainstream" life. Another factor that causes a change in practices was the sudden change in weather. The increased temperature brought fewer women to the shelter, thereby, creating a surplus in food and supplies. Accordingly, the change in the number of women in turn effected the change in bed numbers and provided many newcomers an opportunity to choose a mattress, rather than being assigned to what is typically considered leftovers. In addition, each woman is allowed to choose her chore for the evening and no one is forced to do the same dreadful task repeatedly. This constant change in workload helps to create harmony among the women.
Shortly after the evening's "guests" have been logged in and assigned a bed for the evening, Theresa reads off a lengthy list of shelter rules forbidding acts of violence, smoking, wandering around after lights are out, talking after lights are out, sexual activities, etc. It is these ground rules that further establish the aforementioned acceptable behavior and social mores. Any rule violation results in an immediate eviction from the shelter. Frequent observed violations included arguing over lack of bed space, complaining of unequal food portions, cursing, general disruption, and lastly, sexual harassment.
To exemplify, while Abbie and I were observing and interacting with various women among the shelter, we were introduced to Ursula, a woman determined to befriend us. After briefly conversing with her, we were suddenly approached by Thomasina, who suggested that we refrain from talking to Ursula. Apparently, Ursula, a known substance abuser, appeared to have violated a rule. Thomasina heard her request to see a body piercing of mine and warned her that such behavior could ban her from the shelter. According to Thomasina, R.E.S.T. maintains an environment free from sexual harassment -- the shelter realizes its moral and legal obligations to ensure that all staff members and participants are provided a discrimination-free environment. As a result, Thomasina felt obligated to reprimand Ursula and warn us of the potential dangers involved with such behavior. Moreover, the practice (or sexual harassment rule) is a direct result of the preceding performance (Ursula's behavior).
In summary, communication practices have a way of becoming second nature when utilized effectively and repeatedly, much in the same way rehearsal exists before an actor arrives on stage to perform. Performances are the unique, personal stories or individual events that take place. Similarly, it is the slight nuances and interpretation of the role at R.E.S.T., which bring about the majority of changes to their communication practice.
Adelman, M.B., & Frey, L.R. (1997). The Fragile Community: Living together with AIDS. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Lindlof, T.R. (1995). Qualitative communication research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
REST. (1997). The REST of the Story. Chicago, IL.
REST. (1997). Self-Reported Data Client Profile. Chicago, IL.
I am addressing the first part of question one, which is the role R.E.S.T. history plays in current communication practices of the organization.
Our group chose to study communication in a women's homeless shelter called R.E.S.T. the acronym represents, Residents for Effective Shelter Transitions. The shelter is in the basement of the Uptown Baptist Church at 1011 West Wilson Avenue in Chicago. The building is a large, two-story, stone structure located on a corner in the Uptown neighborhood. On the weekends, religious services are held for the congregation in the church proper, while the basement is used for Bible study groups. The surrounding community and the church congregation are aware of the building's nightly use by R.E.S.T. shelter guests. Nineteen Years of Caring, the R.E.S.T. organization publication, states: "In 1981, R.E.S.T. became a registered non-profit organization with Uptown Baptist Church and People's Church agreeing to be the shelter locations from November to April" (1999). The Uptown Baptist Church expanded their support to offer shelter space 365 days a year in 1984. The basement is used at night to house forty-five women. It has one large room with full-kitchen facilities and pantry.
Clients are sheltered from 8 p.m. to 7 a.m. the following morning. They are provided a hot meal, shower, and a secure place to sleep and when available, clothing that has been donated and acquired by the volunteer staff. Church groups and neighbors in the Uptown area are encouraged by the organization to drop-off used clothing and shower items for residents to keep. Bags of items are accepted any time of day when they are dropped off at the church steps or in the church vestibule. Donated items are put out on tables in a small room near the kitchen so the shelter women can choose what they want without feeling watched or degraded. The women are allowed entry to everything on a first-come first-served basis. This has been the way R.E.S.T. shelter supervisors have maintained order within the facility.
The door is unlocked by the security guard at 8:30 p.m. for the intake portion of the women's stay. If women are still standing outside when the shelter capacity is reached, the security guard or shelter supervisor will call other facilities to see if room is available and women outside can be referred there. All those who seek shelter will not be completely turned away, and historically, have been attended to by R.E.S.T.'s commitment to the homeless. Their guests know they will be assisted; hence, they stand in line until the security guard gives them information about other shelters.
The need for a shelter in the Uptown area arose in 1979 when a homeless man was found frozen to death on the street. R.E.S.T. brochure publication states, "A group of neighborhood residents responded to this tragedy with a commitment to provide overnight emergency shelter during winter months" (1999). The neighbors volunteered their time and talents to form the Residents for Emergency Shelter" (R.E.S.T.). They offered homeless people in the Uptown and Edgewater communities a warm haven, respectable treatment, and support in choosing an independent lifestyle for their future. In 1984, R.E.S.T. organization began providing counseling for homeless men and women who wanted to transition to an independent lifestyle. R.E.S.T. supported their efforts toward a new beginning by providing referrals, case management, and outreach services for the homeless. Through discussions with the shelter supervisors, residents can make appointments with case managers who have degrees in social work. The case manager will meet with and counsel the client and offer advocacy with any problems of obtaining public benefits or medical care. The case manager may offer referrals, at this time, for the client to take part in recovery groups, art therapy, recreation, peer support groups, and anything that would help the client advance down the road to self-sufficiency. Ten years later, R.E.S.T. expanded shelter services to twelve months a year.
In 1997, R.E.S.T. officially changed its name to the present: Residents for Effective Shelter Transitions. Today, their desire is to place an emphasis on obtaining housing and providing life skills programs for the homeless so they can begin in a new life with dignity. Intermediate housing is offered to help disabled clients make a transition from the shelter to permanent housing. This is the last step for the client before living a self-sufficient lifestyle. Clients in this stage must also be involved in R.E.S.T.'s case management services, housing support group, and rent savings plan. By this step in building a new life, the
client has a part or full-time job for which he/she receives wages. The client has been asked to contribute a set percentage of his/her wages for the rental of low-cost single occupancy hotel rooms. Throughout its history, R.E.S.T. has been an effective advocate for the homeless and was instrumental in creating the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless and the Lakefront SRO Corporation, a non profit agency providing low-cost housing in Uptown.
Today, R.E.S.T. employs 36 full and part-time staff members who work with over 300 volunteers to serve those in need. They help provide social services to over 600 clients and help 150 clients through their housing program. Publications and R.E.S.T.'s official newsletter, The REST of the Story, portray clients in a dignified and respectful manner. The newsletter communicates success stories of clients struggling through disabilities such as chemical dependence, alcohol and drug addiction, as well as mental illness and physical disabilities. These are examples of victories and positive reinforcement. On page five of the attached newsletter, there is one such success story about a R.E.S.T. intermediate Housing Client, Arnold Hutson. The article gives hope and advice from a client who is working his way down the path to independence, and as he states, " . . . pressing toward home . . ." (1998). The newsletter, as well as the staff members and volunteers it reports of, speak of an on-going effort by R.E.S.T. to recognize each person's worth, dignity, and uniqueness. This message was conveyed in a conversation at the women's shelter between the Supervisor and a client who was having an argument with another client about using correct grammar.
The first woman was telling the second woman not to say "ain't" when she explains something because, as she put it, "it sounds like you're not schooled." The second woman was angered by the comment. She tensed her body and glared at the first woman as she clenched her fists. When she stood up, she sent the chair she was sitting on skidding backwards with a loud noise. She might have had feelings of low self-esteem, or felt insulted by the other woman correcting her grammar. She might also have interpreted the other woman's tone of voice as being superior to her. She might have experienced a similar situation with someone else and is remembering the past incident. She took a very defensive stance against the second woman because she backed away from her and the table. The shelter residents became quiet. The Supervisor then cam over and stood within an observable distance, without becoming an immediate mediator. She witnessed this communication epoch with respect for the differences of the two clients involved. The second woman told the first to "shut up" and threw a wad of paper at her. The first woman looked at the Supervisor and told her repeatedly that the first woman was being violent. The Supervisor raised both hands in a stop-like motion and urged both women to, "calm down." This gesture had a claming effect on the two women as neither of them moved. The first woman again repeated two to three times to all in the room: "you can't be violent in here," but never made an advance toward anyone. The second woman approached the Supervisor to share her interpretation of the situation. The Supervisor told each woman to walk away from the table and assigned one woman to the shower and the other to continue to play cards with another table of women. The two women calmed down but continued to defend themselves by mumbling something inaudible under their breaths. The Supervisor's calming approach to the situation created a dignified solution to an immediate and potentially volatile confrontation. Each woman was also allowed time to think about and "cool down" from the controversy. This episode exemplifies how the R.E.S.T. staff practices their institution's historical belief in their clients' rights and demonstrates their respect for their clients' dignity as people.
The subjective motives of the R.E.S.T. institution and Uptown community have changed little throughout its twenty-year history. The initial philosophy of R.E.S.T. was to help fulfill the basic needs of the homeless in their community. It still is alive and evident in their practices and performances. Through the shelters case management program, the homeless of the Uptown and Edgewater communities are given a chance to know and understand a different life. Moreover, clients are allowed the chance to accept or reject the organization’s mission vision. This vision also manifests itself in the rules the institution sets forth for the clients and shelter associates. The shelter is a safe haven for women of all races, religions, and ages because of the policy it maintains of dignity and safety for all. The clients know they can count on R.E.S.T. for basic needs of food, clothing, and shelter as well as supportive, extended services such as case management and advocacy. All case managers at R.E.S.T. shelters are certified social workers who can help clients with legal and social problems both in and out of the court system. R.E.S.T.'s commitment to their clients is reflected in the way the troubled women who come to the shelter for support and sustenance have found help and guidance among the employees and volunteers in the organization.
The women at the Uptown shelter waited to talk to the supervisor, Vicki Bell, to tell her their private thoughts and feelings. I was not allowed to be a part of those conversations but I could tell by the gestures and facial expressions of each woman, the client was being listened to and supported. The clients have responded in their own way by knowing the rules and feeling a comfort in the shelter they probably would not find elsewhere. Although each client acted differently, all of them knew the rules of the shelter and did what was asked of them. The security guard, Thomasina Taylor, asked for volunteers to do chores for the morning and women raised their hands to sign up for them. One of the rules is to ask for volunteers for chore duty. If there are no volunteers, women will be chosen for cleanup or put-away work. These women are at the shelter on a regular basis and feel comfortable in this environment. Knowing and having a connected feeling with staff and the shelter rules helps them find a structure they might be lacking in their own lives.
REST. (1999). Nineteen Years of Caring. Chicago, IL.
REST. (1999). Residents for Effective Shelter Transitions. Chicago, IL.
REST. (1998, winter). Quarterly Newsletter, Volume 11. Chicago, IL.
Abbie Boudreau
Section 2
The R.E.S.T. shelter is a night shelter for homeless women that provides food, clothing, and a safe place to stay for the night. In the winter months especially, a woman can wait up to an hour before moving to the front of the line where she is then checked for weapons and drugs by a security guard. If the woman makes it past the guard and through the basement doors of the church, she has to "check in" for the night. Theresa, the R.E.S.T. supervisor, is in charge of this process. She records names, checks charts to see if they were there the night before, assigns them a number, and checks for TB shots. This is also when women sign up for showers and to help with chores.
Each woman who checks in receives a number. It is given in accordance with the mattress they sleep on, the white Styrofoam cups they drink coffee from, and the plastic garbage bags they keep their blankets in. If a woman comes regularly (every night), then she keeps her designated number. If she misses even one night, however, she loses her number to another woman. This assigned number gives each woman an allotted space, which is only large enough for a mattress and a couple of her belongings. Forty-five of these mattresses are lined up next to each other, and are put in the same place each night to encourage the woman to feel like that space, although small, is her home.
After completing the preceding process, the women set up their beds. They are given navy blue and gray wool blankets as well as sheets to cover the three-inch plastic mattress. By this time, it is already 9 p.m. The women have a choice as to whether they want to take a shower, isolate themselves on their lone mattress and either read a book, rest, or listen to their Walkman. They may also grab their numbered cup, fill it with black coffee, and sit at the "L" shaped tables. Some talk about the weather, others sit quietly, and watch the semi-broken television set. Their television set was a donation, and sits on a cart near the kitchen. Each night the women can expect to watch the 10 o'clock news. They are not allowed to change the channel or watch other programs to prevent arguments among the women over what shows they prefer to watch. One thing, however, that each of these women has in common, is what they await: Dinner.
While the women are preparing for their night, maybe by putting on their pajamas, or praying, the volunteers are working in the kitchen. The meals vary each night. Anything from hotdogs and chips to spaghetti and broccoli is served, and sometimes the women are allowed seconds. At 10 p.m., Theresa announces that dinner is to be served. The women rush up to cutout window that resembles a concession stand, and select the already prepared plate, which looks the best to them. While they are eating, Theresa reads off a long list of the shelter's rules, and expects it to be quiet while she is talking. When she finishes, individuals resume their previous activities and finish their meals. A few of the women have kitchen duty and help the volunteers clean the dishes and wash tables. By the time the kitchen is cleaned, most of the women are in bed and preparing to go to sleep. At 11 p.m., the television is turned off, and volunteers must leave, and the lights are shut off.
These communication practices and processes are the daily routines that employees at the shelter undergo. The employees maintain a tight schedule to enhance control of a potentially, high-risk situation. Within these daily practices, there are several symbols and signs that are employed verbally and non-verbally.
The symbol of power and control lies in the hands of Theresa, the shelter's supervisor. She is the discipliner, the supporter, the caregiver, and the ultimate decision-maker in any situation that the shelter concurs. Theresa is approximately 35 years old, over six feet tall, has a loud, deep voice, and walks with a confident, almost intimidating stride. Since 60 per cent of the women who seek shelter at R.E.S.T. are between the ages of 22 and 40, Theresa is forced to discipline and control people her own age (R.E.S.T. Literature). She tells them when they can take a shower, when to eat, when to go to bed, and when to leave. Theresa is not afraid to evict a misbehaving woman from the shelter if that woman is not compliant with her clearly stated ground rules.
As mentioned before, the mattresses are purposefully located in designated areas and are not to be moved. In this specific incident, two women were having a disagreement about not having enough space to put their belongings. A third woman, a young, visibly pregnant, newcomer at the shelter, intervened and tried to solve the problem by telling one of the women to move her mattress away from the "Wicked Witch of the West" to the other side of the room. When Theresa noticed what was happening, she questioned it, and all fingers immediately pointed to the young, pregnant woman. Theresa sarcastically asked the woman who put her in charge of the furniture arrangement. Although the woman tried to explain what happened, Theresa continued to use her as an example to the rest of the women of how not to act. She threatened the woman with having to leave and said that she needs to understand who is in charge and how to respect the shelter's rules.
The number system that the shelter employs clearly signifies how a human being can be transformed into an object. A number represents the woman's identity at the shelter. Her designated number becomes her home address. Similar to a street address, this number assignment provides security and reassurance of a safe place to sleep for the night. The women take the number system very seriously, especially the regulars.
In the case with the woman who was a mute and a regular at the shelter, and another woman who was a newcomer, a problem concerning the number system arose. The must had been going to the shelter for a number of weeks without missing a night. One night, she came in after having skipped the night before, and was given a number. She did not adequately understand the number system and assumed that she had the same mattress, although she had missed a night. When she went to her usual spot, she saw another woman's belongings. She approached the woman. With her hands and short utterances, she tried to communicate the she wanted the "intruder" out of her spot. The newcomer did not understand what was happening, so a volunteer figured out the problem as well as a solution. The two women switched spots so that the woman could have her normal spot back. The volunteer explained to me that some women identify their mattress and spot as a feeling of comfort and security. Therefore, when the two women traded spots, the muted woman recaptured her sense of identity. Theresa later tried to explain the rules in a more comprehensible and simplistic way for the woman.
The basement walls of the church are colorfully painted portraits of children dancing and smiling. Rainbows, holding hands, and cartwheels in the green grass are painted on the walls with colors so bright that one's eyes are instantly attracted. These bright colors and images symbolize the primary years of life. A time when individuals are supposed to feel safe, happy, adventurous, and view life as a simple treasure. Colors are bright and children as cast as "innocent." To some of the women, these walls symbolize a life they knew at one point in time and would do anything to return. To others, they symbolize a life they never knew. And, to others, these walls are a representation of their level of thought process. That is, there is a large portion of the women that comprise R.E.S.T. who are mentally disabled. According to R.E.S.T. literature, there is an estimated level of mental illness of over 30 per cent. These women are mentally incapable of functioning in society as mature adults.
In the corner of the basement sits an old, brown, wooden piano with its lid closed. The piano is never played, although there are no restrictions against it. The silent piano symbolizes the absence of song, rhythm, and pleasure. Music is an aspect of a person's life that can strengthen a faith, or be a medium by which to communicate inner feelings. There is an absence of rhythm and song in the shelter. Instead, it is filled with the monotone voices of the women. These voices drown each other out, and a low, dull tone is heard. This tone preys upon these women and takes away their vitality. Ursula, a regular at the shelter, was arrested recently. A pair of drumsticks, she had carried along with her for the past ten years, was confiscated by the police because they believed them to be weapons. Tears filled her eyes and she became angry at having to recall this story from her memory. Ursula claimed to have very few possessions she loved as much as her drumsticks. Her tool to express herself had turned into a weapon, and left her silent, like the piano. Luckily, Ursula now has an old, dull, silver harmonica with a red mouthpiece to help replace some of the loss she feels without her sticks. She sings these words:
When I'm down and on my knees
I get back up, dust them off
And start all over again.
Some women walk in the shelter with one bag and others come with so many bags around their wrists that their fingers are swollen and purple. These bags carry more than just clothes or food; they hold their life. Since these women are homeless, they have no other place to store their deodorant or extra underwear. Some even keep a teddy bear or a lucky charm packed. They walk around all day holding everything they own in their hands. These bags symbolize weights. They hold people down. Because the homeless are so protective over the few possessions they have, they do not let their bags out of their sight. These bags, as a result, hinder their ability to find jobs. For example, where is a homeless person supposed to leave their belongings while he/she works? What type of employer wants to hire a person who lives out of a bag and does not have a place of residency? The R.E.S.T. security guard commented on the fact that these bags are somewhat of a trap: "If you let go of your bag, you lose you 'life.' But, if you don't let go of the bags, you'll lose your life."
A symbol, according to Lindlof, " . . . offers a way inside the meanings inherent in roles and actions" (45). A sign, on the other hand, is not arbitrary. Signs have fixed meanings. The most obvious example of a sign at R.E.S.T. was the shelter itself. As mentioned in previous sections, the shelter is located in the basement of a church. A church is a symbol of communication. It signifies safety and security. The card that some women receive, after they meet with a social worker regularly for two weeks, is another sign. This card assures a mattress and is proof that the woman is making an attempt to rehabilitate her life. Finally, the time 8:45 p.m. is a sign to the homeless women who stay at R.E.S.T. to stand in line for check-in procedures. If the women come too early, they get "barred" from entering. If they arrive too late, they get turned away. Therefore, 8:45 p.m. represents a fixed, non-arbitrary sign for women who want shelter, a mattress, and food for the night.
These symbols and signs that are employed by the shelter and its employees are clear representations of the daily structure and routine of the communication practices and processes that our group observed. These key symbols and signs exemplify how the shelter is organized; what types of people seek refuge in their building; and the different type of communication techniques that are involved in operating a night shelter for homeless women. R.E.S.T. provided a fundamental base for understanding how an organization can be successful despite the substantially high-risk factors involved.
Lindlof, T. 1995. Qualitative communication research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
R.E.S.T. Literature. 1999. R.E.S.T. : Programs. Chicago, IL.
Laurie Maness
Section 2
According to Lindlof (1995), most individuals make sense of who they are and how they survive the daily grind by their knowledge of communicative practices (p. 16). A practice is a set course of action that has come to be accepted as the norm or santioned by a social collectively. Practices, states Lindlof (1995), imply a focus on the routine and recurring (p.18). This research team chose a woman's homeless shelter, R.E.S.T., as an example of an analysis of practices for our on-site studies.
R.E.S.T. is defined by its structure and its rules. The shelter relies on structure as its foundation; to operate without it would jeopardize all who participate in the program. These inherent dangers stem, in large part, from the fact the majority of the women who seek the organization's benefits and protection are often found to be mentally disabled and/or known substance abusers. This fact is made clear when considering that, according to R.E.S.T's 1997 Self-Reported Data Client Profile, the actual level of mental illnesses and physical disabilities is estimated at over 40 per cent. Therefore, the practice of a regimen and strict adherence to set guidelines is crucial to the continued well being of both patrons and volunteer staff members.
Policies and procedures are established long before the women line up at the basement entrance. R.E.S.T.'s goal is to provide a calming, comfortable atmosphere through the effective use of communicative practices. While these have been implemented to ensure and promote fairness, safety and awareness -- they also serve to minimize danger and diffuse potentially volatile situations before they develop. The most important aspect of R.E.S.T.'s communicative practices, however, is that they also serve to educate these women in developing their own communicative practices and patterns. Moreover, seeing and participating in the most fundamental of social norms and interactions on a daily basis allows these women to prepare for "mainstream" life and their own interpersonal encounters.
Adelman and Frey (1997) vividly illustrate how community is created and sustained in concrete communication practices (p.5). By understanding how collective communication practices help residents forge a sense of community out of the chaos of living with AIDS, it facilitates better understanding of the formation of community in other environments, such as R.E.S.T. The shelter's policies, rules, and procedures are a core necessity in managing the tensions of providing, or bringing some sort of " normalcy" to 45 troubled and disillusioned strangers on a daily basis. According to a R.E.S.T. newsletter (1997), the board of directors has formed the Community Relations Committee to increase R.E.S.T.'s visibility in the neighborhood and the Chicagoland area as part of their 1997-2001 Strategic Plan. The Committee's Executive Director, Kathleen Ahler, stated, "We want to work with the communities of Uptown and Edgewater together to find solutions to the problem of homelessness."
To better appreciate the inner workings of the shelter, a summary description of the recurring events that transpire each evening at R.E.S.T. follows. Women begin lining up restlessly in front of the church building at 8:30 p.m. The women are immediately greeted by the head of the organization, who continues applying the organization's practices at a "registration table." This check-in procedure consists of a series of steps, each with its own importance. Before dinner is served, many women gather around the tables and direct their attention to the Local News Network which can be viewed on an old, donated television set. As the regulars will verify, the News is the only available program of the evening.
In the early morning hours, the strict standard of communication practices is still being enforced. All remaining chores are expected to be done following the 6:30 a.m. serving of breakfast. Everyone is required to be out of the shelter by 7:00 a.m. and cannot return prior to 8:30 p.m., as belongings cannot be stored at the shelter for any length of time. Each woman is responsible for removing all of her possessions from the building immediately upon leaving.
Although it is often said, that communication practices will change with each passing day, (Lindlof, 1995) practices are "authored" within institutions and do not change easily over time (p.18). Due primarily to the intense structure of the organization, there was a lack of change during the present author's on-site visits. For example, Theresa, the head of the organization, and Thomasina, a volunteer security guard who has the daunting task of keeping the line under control as the women are guided inside the basement, are the two most important, powerful leaders of the group. They remain constant and present little variation in their roles or actions.
Another constant observed was the ever-changing cast of characters in this sometimes depressing nightly drama. Just as the women come and go, volunteers alike differ from night to night. For example, the first night the research team visited the shelter, they were accompanied by the Loyola Ministry Group, a kind and patient group of students. This past week, however, the research team was the only representative of Loyola. The change in volunteers has a definite impact on the shelter's atmosphere. For example, most of the women seemed to have more interaction with the younger volunteers. Further, many women shared their various experiences with homelessness. Each woman added her unique account of how she ended up at R.E.S.T., what her life was like before she was homeless, and the immediate goals she is working to achieve. The younger volunteers seemed more open and interested in establishing relationships with the women, whereas, the older volunteers were less conversational and more focused on their assigned tasks.
Although the regimen and practices varied little, the environment and the interaction between these individuals brought about slight variations in the program. For example, while the food is different every evening -- as it is generously donated by local restaurants -- it is served at a predetermined time each night to continue reinforcing the habits of "mainstream" life. Another factor that causes a change in practices was the sudden change in weather. The increased temperature brought fewer women to the shelter, thereby, creating a surplus in food and supplies. Accordingly, the change in the number of women in turn effected the change in bed numbers and provided many newcomers an opportunity to choose a mattress, rather than being assigned to what is typically considered leftovers. In addition, each woman is allowed to choose her chore for the evening and no one is forced to do the same dreadful task repeatedly. This constant change in workload helps to create harmony among the women.
Shortly after the evening's "guests" have been logged in and assigned a bed for the evening, Theresa reads off a lengthy list of shelter rules forbidding acts of violence, smoking, wandering around after lights are out, talking after lights are out, sexual activities, etc. It is these ground rules that further establish the aforementioned acceptable behavior and social mores. Any rule violation results in an immediate eviction from the shelter. Frequent observed violations included arguing over lack of bed space, complaining of unequal food portions, cursing, general disruption, and lastly, sexual harassment.
To exemplify, while Abbie and I were observing and interacting with various women among the shelter, we were introduced to Ursula, a woman determined to befriend us. After briefly conversing with her, we were suddenly approached by Thomasina, who suggested that we refrain from talking to Ursula. Apparently, Ursula, a known substance abuser, appeared to have violated a rule. Thomasina heard her request to see a body piercing of mine and warned her that such behavior could ban her from the shelter. According to Thomasina, R.E.S.T. maintains an environment free from sexual harassment -- the shelter realizes its moral and legal obligations to ensure that all staff members and participants are provided a discrimination-free environment. As a result, Thomasina felt obligated to reprimand Ursula and warn us of the potential dangers involved with such behavior. Moreover, the practice (or sexual harassment rule) is a direct result of the preceding performance (Ursula's behavior).
In summary, communication practices have a way of becoming second nature when utilized effectively and repeatedly, much in the same way rehearsal exists before an actor arrives on stage to perform. Performances are the unique, personal stories or individual events that take place. Similarly, it is the slight nuances and interpretation of the role at R.E.S.T., which bring about the majority of changes to their communication practice.
Adelman, M.B., & Frey, L.R. (1997). The Fragile Community: Living together with AIDS. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Lindlof, T.R. (1995). Qualitative communication research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
REST. (1997). The REST of the Story. Chicago, IL.
REST. (1997). Self-Reported Data Client Profile. Chicago, IL.
